Revolutionary Political Education in a time of ‘Peace’: Revisiting the Ta Power Document
By Mary McIlroy
In August 1986, Ta Power, a Prisoner of War in Long Kesh concentration camp, wrote an analysis of the Movement of which he was a member, the Irish Republican Socialist Movement. The IRSM had undergone two periods of internal turmoil, resulting in the expulsion of members who were not Republican Socialists. The conflicts in the Movement affected the Irish Republican Socialist Party, Irish National Liberation Army and Republican Socialist POWs. Shortly after writing his essay, Ta was released. In January 1987, Ta, along with another comrade, John O’Riley, were assassinated by counterrevolutionary scum.
Ta Power looked at the history of the IRSM, very honestly. He wrote about the background of the formation of the Irish Republican Socialist Party, the role of Seamus Costello played, and the attacks on the new Movement from all sides, from former comrades in the Official Republican Movement, the Irish Free State, and the Brits. He also looked at the internal issues facing the IRSM, and the problems that arose following the assassinations of Costello, Ronnie Bunting and Miriam Daly. Ta concluded that the main reason criminal elements and counterrevolutionaries were allowed into the Movement was a lack of political education on the part of the rank-and-file members.
Ta quoted Seamus Costello: “We must make no secret of the fact that we’re a revolutionary socialist party, prepared to give leadership on the streets and in the elected chambers, and that we’re out for a revolutionary state.” Ta carried that idea forward: “A revolutionary socialist party must have a revolutionary ideology, an ideology that enables us to analyze the world, the motive forces at work in the world and plan a campaign based on this analysis, a campaign that is consistent, principled and bold in its implementation. Marxism, as a guide to action, is such an ideology. It represents the historical interests of the working class, which, through the medium of a revolutionary party, aims to overthrow the capitalist order and begin the construction of communism.” In other words, Marxism is a tool for the working class, for us to analyze the world, to critique capitalist society. It is through Marxism that we are able to understand the exploitation of our class by the bourgeoisie.
Ta Power, being a member of not only the Irish Republican Socialist Party, was also a member of the Irish National Liberation Army, which, by its very nature – the armed wing of the Movement – was clandestine and secretive. He called the open political party “Group A,” and the secret army “Group B.” In a move that was revolutionary for its time and unprecedented in the history of the Irish liberation struggle, Ta Power called for subordinating the Army to the political direction of the Party. And the Army, almost unanimously, agreed to the subordination.
It must be made clear that Ta Power did not call for the subordination of Group B to Group A in some sort of ideological vacuum. He was very clear that political education was a necessity. He knew that revolutionaries must not only talk the talk, they must walk the walk; they must live revolutionary lives. “We must be able to inject into the struggle or rather to call forth from the people the values ideals of solidarity, self-sacrifice, non-sectarianism, unity, international-ism, etc. –values that transcend our own individual existence, that lead to greater awareness, greater participation and greater aliveness in oneself; we must somehow be able to grip the mass of the people if we are at all to change the world. But let’s get matters exactly right here: we cannot get this across to the working class unless we—now!—are actually living and acting upon these values and ideals.” Those of us who call ourselves revolutionaries must actually be revolutionaries. It is through our revolutionary ideology that we liberate not only our class but also ourselves, as individuals.
Ta Power wrote his essay at a specific time, and after certain things happened which almost rent asunder the Irish Republican Socialist Movement. So what relevance does this work have for us today? As this is being written, (Provisional) Sinn Fein is seriously discussing joining the board of the Police Services of Northern Ireland, formerly the Royal Ulster Constabulary. This is the final concession to the British government, which began with the Provisional Irish Republican Army cease-fire of August 1994, and 1997’s Good Friday Agreement. The Irish National Liberation Army has been on a “no first strike” cease-fire since August of 1998. When Group B played a prominent role, situations arose which were detrimental to the Movement as a whole. There was a lack of cohesion ideologically between Group A and Group B. Ta Power saw that the best way to prevent future problems was through Group B getting ideological direction from Group A, that all members of B must also be in A.
This is even more important at this time, when B is fairly inactive and A more active. The situation in Ireland has been in flux ever since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. We keep hearing that “The war is over,” yet for the mass of working class Nationalists, not much has changed. There are still sectarian attacks on Nationalists, and the PIRA has given up its weapons. (Provisional) Sinn Fein is the second largest party in the essentially powerless Northern Ireland Assembly, at least for now. Ta Power was one of those who foresaw the GFA. He again quoted Seamus Costello: “It is still Britain’s objective to find and impose a political solution which will guarantee the continued protection of Britain’s economic and strategic in both parts of Ireland.” This is precisely what the GFA did.
Ta wrote that Marxism is the key to revolution. He reiterated the point that the struggle for national liberation cannot be separated from the social/economic struggle. It is the task of revolutionaries to educate themselves. It is through Marxism that we will accomplish our task.
To quote Ta again: “Marxism tells us that before we can properly solve a problem, before we can work out a plan of action, etc., that we must first analyze the given process, i.e., that we must identify the basic contradiction which is inherent in it and which give rise to its development, and from which everything else springs. It is this basic contradiction which determines the whole process, other, secondary contradictions, arise out of this—these in tern give expression to particular trends, characteristics, interests, etc., but everything is ultimately determined and conditioned by the basic contradictions. These secondary contradictions can be tackled. Reformed, changed, but again they will effect no ‘fundamental’ change in the given process. The only way fundamental change can be achieved is by changing the basic contradiction which immediately sets in motion a change in all the secondary contradictions which are dependent upon it.”
This is especially important to remember at this epoch, when “peace” is breaking out all over. We have had over ten years of various “peace processes” throughout the world, Guatemala, El Salvador, Palestine, Ireland, etc. Yet has peace come to any of these places? Or have the issues and problems been temporarily swept under the carpet? No, the fundamental contradictions remain. Reform does not solve any problems; it merely applies a temporary band-aide on a gaping wound.
We are confronted daily with the contradictions of capitalist society. We have a media that is little more than a propaganda machine for Washing-ton, or that seeks to divert our attention from what’s rally going on by throwing meaningless or sensationalistic nonsense at us. We are given some politician or other who will come in on a white horse and save us all. These people will do nothing to change the fundamental contradictions of capitalism. They seek to make it more palatable. The underlying problems will remain, whether Hillary or Obama should become president. Tories or New Labour, capitalism will remain in the “United” Kingdom, and Ireland will remain divided.
Ta Power recognized that anyone calling him or herself a revolutionary must know revolutionary Marxist ideology, must live it, and must continue to educate and analyze not just capitalism, but the revolutionary organization. He wrote, “…we must constantly review, criticize and self-criticize all aspects of our actions, politics, tactics, etc.; keep appraising the whole situation; and keep striving to raise the class consciousness, spirit and capacity to fight and win of the working class.” We must first and foremost arm ourselves with Marxism. This is the tool Marx and Engels gave to us. We must wield it as we would an AK-47. Without Marx in head, we won’t be clear who to aim the AK-47 at. This is the essence of Ta Power’s call for the subordination of the Army to the Party.
A political party that does not educate its members in revolutionary Marxist ideology is failing not only its own members, but the working class as a whole. A revolutionary party which considers itself to be an advanced section of the working class must have a politically educated rank-and-file. It is a necessity for the Movement as a whole; otherwise criminal elements and counterrevolutionaries may join and come to positions of prominence. It is only through an educated rank-and-file that the Movement can be analyzed, and positions discussed and even questioned. It is also a necessity for the working class as a whole. It is the rank-and-file of a movement which is on the ground most. They are the ones in the workplace, tenant groups, anti-war committees, etc. The rank-and-file are the ones who will articulate the party platform, positions, etc., in whatever other political situations they find themselves in.
Ta Power’s analysis of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement’s history, beliefs and shortcomings was used to reorganize the Movement in the late 1980s. While there were setbacks, the IRSM came out of it with its revolutionary politics intact. The situation today is not so clear-cut. However, Ta’s call for the political education of the rank-and-file is still very relevant, nay, necessary, for us today. Any party which does not educate its rank-and-file with revolutionary Marxism cannot call itself “revolutionary.” Any leadership of a movement which does not allow open and honest debate is little more than a cult, and will fade into irrelevancy.
In August 1986, Ta Power, a Prisoner of War in Long Kesh concentration camp, wrote an analysis of the Movement of which he was a member, the Irish Republican Socialist Movement. The IRSM had undergone two periods of internal turmoil, resulting in the expulsion of members who were not Republican Socialists. The conflicts in the Movement affected the Irish Republican Socialist Party, Irish National Liberation Army and Republican Socialist POWs. Shortly after writing his essay, Ta was released. In January 1987, Ta, along with another comrade, John O’Riley, were assassinated by counterrevolutionary scum.
Ta Power looked at the history of the IRSM, very honestly. He wrote about the background of the formation of the Irish Republican Socialist Party, the role of Seamus Costello played, and the attacks on the new Movement from all sides, from former comrades in the Official Republican Movement, the Irish Free State, and the Brits. He also looked at the internal issues facing the IRSM, and the problems that arose following the assassinations of Costello, Ronnie Bunting and Miriam Daly. Ta concluded that the main reason criminal elements and counterrevolutionaries were allowed into the Movement was a lack of political education on the part of the rank-and-file members.
Ta quoted Seamus Costello: “We must make no secret of the fact that we’re a revolutionary socialist party, prepared to give leadership on the streets and in the elected chambers, and that we’re out for a revolutionary state.” Ta carried that idea forward: “A revolutionary socialist party must have a revolutionary ideology, an ideology that enables us to analyze the world, the motive forces at work in the world and plan a campaign based on this analysis, a campaign that is consistent, principled and bold in its implementation. Marxism, as a guide to action, is such an ideology. It represents the historical interests of the working class, which, through the medium of a revolutionary party, aims to overthrow the capitalist order and begin the construction of communism.” In other words, Marxism is a tool for the working class, for us to analyze the world, to critique capitalist society. It is through Marxism that we are able to understand the exploitation of our class by the bourgeoisie.
Ta Power, being a member of not only the Irish Republican Socialist Party, was also a member of the Irish National Liberation Army, which, by its very nature – the armed wing of the Movement – was clandestine and secretive. He called the open political party “Group A,” and the secret army “Group B.” In a move that was revolutionary for its time and unprecedented in the history of the Irish liberation struggle, Ta Power called for subordinating the Army to the political direction of the Party. And the Army, almost unanimously, agreed to the subordination.
It must be made clear that Ta Power did not call for the subordination of Group B to Group A in some sort of ideological vacuum. He was very clear that political education was a necessity. He knew that revolutionaries must not only talk the talk, they must walk the walk; they must live revolutionary lives. “We must be able to inject into the struggle or rather to call forth from the people the values ideals of solidarity, self-sacrifice, non-sectarianism, unity, international-ism, etc. –values that transcend our own individual existence, that lead to greater awareness, greater participation and greater aliveness in oneself; we must somehow be able to grip the mass of the people if we are at all to change the world. But let’s get matters exactly right here: we cannot get this across to the working class unless we—now!—are actually living and acting upon these values and ideals.” Those of us who call ourselves revolutionaries must actually be revolutionaries. It is through our revolutionary ideology that we liberate not only our class but also ourselves, as individuals.
Ta Power wrote his essay at a specific time, and after certain things happened which almost rent asunder the Irish Republican Socialist Movement. So what relevance does this work have for us today? As this is being written, (Provisional) Sinn Fein is seriously discussing joining the board of the Police Services of Northern Ireland, formerly the Royal Ulster Constabulary. This is the final concession to the British government, which began with the Provisional Irish Republican Army cease-fire of August 1994, and 1997’s Good Friday Agreement. The Irish National Liberation Army has been on a “no first strike” cease-fire since August of 1998. When Group B played a prominent role, situations arose which were detrimental to the Movement as a whole. There was a lack of cohesion ideologically between Group A and Group B. Ta Power saw that the best way to prevent future problems was through Group B getting ideological direction from Group A, that all members of B must also be in A.
This is even more important at this time, when B is fairly inactive and A more active. The situation in Ireland has been in flux ever since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. We keep hearing that “The war is over,” yet for the mass of working class Nationalists, not much has changed. There are still sectarian attacks on Nationalists, and the PIRA has given up its weapons. (Provisional) Sinn Fein is the second largest party in the essentially powerless Northern Ireland Assembly, at least for now. Ta Power was one of those who foresaw the GFA. He again quoted Seamus Costello: “It is still Britain’s objective to find and impose a political solution which will guarantee the continued protection of Britain’s economic and strategic in both parts of Ireland.” This is precisely what the GFA did.
Ta wrote that Marxism is the key to revolution. He reiterated the point that the struggle for national liberation cannot be separated from the social/economic struggle. It is the task of revolutionaries to educate themselves. It is through Marxism that we will accomplish our task.
To quote Ta again: “Marxism tells us that before we can properly solve a problem, before we can work out a plan of action, etc., that we must first analyze the given process, i.e., that we must identify the basic contradiction which is inherent in it and which give rise to its development, and from which everything else springs. It is this basic contradiction which determines the whole process, other, secondary contradictions, arise out of this—these in tern give expression to particular trends, characteristics, interests, etc., but everything is ultimately determined and conditioned by the basic contradictions. These secondary contradictions can be tackled. Reformed, changed, but again they will effect no ‘fundamental’ change in the given process. The only way fundamental change can be achieved is by changing the basic contradiction which immediately sets in motion a change in all the secondary contradictions which are dependent upon it.”
This is especially important to remember at this epoch, when “peace” is breaking out all over. We have had over ten years of various “peace processes” throughout the world, Guatemala, El Salvador, Palestine, Ireland, etc. Yet has peace come to any of these places? Or have the issues and problems been temporarily swept under the carpet? No, the fundamental contradictions remain. Reform does not solve any problems; it merely applies a temporary band-aide on a gaping wound.
We are confronted daily with the contradictions of capitalist society. We have a media that is little more than a propaganda machine for Washing-ton, or that seeks to divert our attention from what’s rally going on by throwing meaningless or sensationalistic nonsense at us. We are given some politician or other who will come in on a white horse and save us all. These people will do nothing to change the fundamental contradictions of capitalism. They seek to make it more palatable. The underlying problems will remain, whether Hillary or Obama should become president. Tories or New Labour, capitalism will remain in the “United” Kingdom, and Ireland will remain divided.
Ta Power recognized that anyone calling him or herself a revolutionary must know revolutionary Marxist ideology, must live it, and must continue to educate and analyze not just capitalism, but the revolutionary organization. He wrote, “…we must constantly review, criticize and self-criticize all aspects of our actions, politics, tactics, etc.; keep appraising the whole situation; and keep striving to raise the class consciousness, spirit and capacity to fight and win of the working class.” We must first and foremost arm ourselves with Marxism. This is the tool Marx and Engels gave to us. We must wield it as we would an AK-47. Without Marx in head, we won’t be clear who to aim the AK-47 at. This is the essence of Ta Power’s call for the subordination of the Army to the Party.
A political party that does not educate its members in revolutionary Marxist ideology is failing not only its own members, but the working class as a whole. A revolutionary party which considers itself to be an advanced section of the working class must have a politically educated rank-and-file. It is a necessity for the Movement as a whole; otherwise criminal elements and counterrevolutionaries may join and come to positions of prominence. It is only through an educated rank-and-file that the Movement can be analyzed, and positions discussed and even questioned. It is also a necessity for the working class as a whole. It is the rank-and-file of a movement which is on the ground most. They are the ones in the workplace, tenant groups, anti-war committees, etc. The rank-and-file are the ones who will articulate the party platform, positions, etc., in whatever other political situations they find themselves in.
Ta Power’s analysis of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement’s history, beliefs and shortcomings was used to reorganize the Movement in the late 1980s. While there were setbacks, the IRSM came out of it with its revolutionary politics intact. The situation today is not so clear-cut. However, Ta’s call for the political education of the rank-and-file is still very relevant, nay, necessary, for us today. Any party which does not educate its rank-and-file with revolutionary Marxism cannot call itself “revolutionary.” Any leadership of a movement which does not allow open and honest debate is little more than a cult, and will fade into irrelevancy.